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Ægte IRA

Ægte IRA



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Ægte IRA

Den virkelige IRA også kendt som Óglaigh na hÉireann; eller "dissidenten" irske republikanske hær (DIRA) er en hårdlinjet splintgruppe, der brød ud af den irske republikanske hær (IRA) i november 1997 på baggrund af Nordirlands fredsproces. De stiftende medlemmer af Real IRA protesterede mod våbenhvilen, der blev indkaldt af hoved-IRA i 1997, og valgte i stedet at fortsætte den væbnede kamp mod den britiske regering og loyalister. Mens den foreløbige IRA, allieret med Sinn Fein politiske parti, støttede og faktisk hjalp med at opnå fredsforliget, erklærede de dissidente republikanske grupper (hvoraf flere findes), at de ville acceptere intet mindre end unionen af ​​Nordirland med Den Irske Republik . Gruppens erklærede mål er afbrydelse af fredsprocessen, hvilket fører til en fuldstændig britisk tilbagetrækning fra Nordirland. Gruppen omfatter en række af IRAs 12-stærke "hærchef", der trådte tilbage sammen med generalmester McKevitt, en erfaren og hård terrorist, i protest mod den officielle IRA-støtte til fredsprocessen. Dissidenterne dannede en ny "hærchef", som skulle vælge et hærråd til at drive den nye organisation. Det meste af støtten til RIRA menes at være i Dundalk og Newry -området med en vis støtte i Dublin. Gruppen er lille og har lidt store tilbageslag fra det irske politi og britiske efterretningstjenester. RIRA rekrutterede op til 30 erfarne operatører fra rækker af den foreløbige IRA, hovedsageligt i Irland, men også i nogle områder i Nordirland. Derudover har den indledt en hemmelig kampagne for at tilmelde yngre rekrutter, der tidligere ikke var involveret i paramilitær aktivitet. Dette nye blod er afgørende for gruppens vækst og succes, og ligesom mange terrororganisationer udgør utilfredse unge mennesker en rig rekrutteringsplads, kombineret med kernen af ​​erfaren terrorist, er gruppen potentielt meget farlig. Estimater for det samlede medlemskab har varieret fra omkring 70 til 175. Nogle analytikere mener, at det mest sandsynlige tal er omkring 100.

Lederen af ​​Real IRA-gruppen påstås at være Michael (Mickey) McKevitt, den tidligere kvartermester-general for IRA. McKevitt var ansvarlig for våbenforsendelser til Nordirland. Derudover har en af ​​IRAs tidligere førende bombefabrikanter sluttet sig til den rigtige IRA-gruppe. Han mistænkes for at have konstrueret bomber til denne gruppe og CIRA, en anden hårdlinjesplintergruppe, der tidligere kun havde begrænsede bombefremstillingsfærdigheder. En anden tidligere IRA-ingeniør, der var involveret i konstruktion af morterer, sluttede sig også til RIRA og menes at have fremstillet mørtlerne, der blev brugt i angreb på sikkerhedsbaser i foråret 1998. RIRA har været forbundet med en række bombninger; i hvert tilfælde blev en bilbombe detoneret efter et advarselsopkald. Britiske myndigheder er overbeviste om, at Real IRA er ansvarlig for et 500 lb bilbombeangreb i byen Bangridge i august 1997. Ingen dødsfald skyldtes nogen af ​​de tidligere bombninger. Gruppen har adgang til mængder af Semtex plasteksplosiv, detonatorer og en række andre bombefremstillingskomponenter taget fra IRA's våbenbeholdning. RIRA var ansvarlig for en række bomber og mørtelangreb i løbet af 1997 og 1998. Lørdag den 15. august 1998 var en bilbombe pakket med 500 lbs. af sprængstof, der detonerede i byen Omagh i det populære shoppingområde. Bombningen er blevet kaldt singlen for den blodigste hændelse i Nordirlands 30-årige partipolitiske konflikt. 28 mennesker blev dræbt og hundredvis såret. RIRA påtog sig ansvaret for bombningen. Forargelse over angrebet i både pro-britiske protestantiske og pro-irske katolske samfund tvang Real IRA til at suspendere dets aktiviteter 18. august 1998. Ligesom mange hårdføre terrorgrupper i Nordirland mangler RIRA den populære støtte, IRA nød i sin storhedstid . Mord og involvering i kriminalitet er begyndt at isolere sådanne grupper fra lokalbefolkningen, hvoraf de fleste er trætte af konflikten. Med et udbud af unge og idealistiske rekrutter og en hårdlinje af erfarne og forbitrede terrorister vil sådanne grupper tage noget tid at komme hen på vinstokken og sandsynligvis være en del af det politiske miljø i Irland i et stykke tid fremover.


Ægte IRA -medlem, der har tidligere haft vold

UNDER HANS mordforsøg gjorde Stephen Carney og hans advokater deres bedste for at antyde, at han simpelthen havde snappet i løbet af en strid med Amanda Jenkins og dræbt hende i spidsen.

Hvis juryen havde accepteret denne version af konti, ville Carney være blevet dømt for manddrab, ikke mord. Han kunne have forventet at tilbringe seks år i fængsel frem for livet.

Den dømte mand, hvis kriminelle fortid ikke blev luftet under hans retssag, var ikke længe uden for fængsel efter at have været fængslet for væbnet røveri, da han indledte et forhold til kvinden, han ville dræbe.

Carney, en 33-årig oprindeligt fra Dolphin House-lejligheder, Rialto i Dublins sydlige indre by, har været medlem af Real IRA og foretaget mindst et væbnet røveri.

Han var også blandt en 12-mands bande, der angreb heroinmisbrugere Josie Dwyer og Alan Byrne i maj 1996 efter et møde i Dolphins Barn i gruppen Concerned Parents Against Drugs.

Dwyer og Byrne blev kontaktet nær Basin Lane -lejlighedskomplekset på James's Street. De to mænd blev slået, inden de blev udsat for et gruppeangreb, der involverede spark og brug af våben.

Byrne formåede at flygte, men Dwyer, en 41-årig, der var hiv-positiv, døde af sine kvæstelser. Domstolene hørte beviser for, hvordan hr. Dwyer blev slået til grunde.

Carney blev oprindeligt anklaget for manddrab. Anklagen blev imidlertid reduceret, da han erkendte sig skyldig i mindre anklager. Han blev idømt 20 måneder i februar 2000.

Inden Carney gik for retten var han mod kaution. I denne periode med frihed blev han involveret i den republikanske bevægelse og sluttede sig til en Dublin -enhed i Real IRA.

I 1998 var han en del af en seks mand bande, der forsøgte at stjæle en Securicor varevogn i Ashford, Co Wicklow. Razziaen fandt sted den 1. maj, dagen for gardaí industrielle aktioner kendt som "Blue Flu".

Banden var bevæbnet med et pumpe-haglgevær, Kalashnikov-angrebsgevær og revolver.

De stillede op som rådsmedarbejdere og oprettede spottende vejarbejde på N11 lige nord for Ashford. Da Securicor-varebilen med 250.000 pund stoppede ved vejarbejdet, beordrede banden det to-mands besætning ud og truede dem med deres kanoner og en efterligningsraketkast.

En af banden forsøgte at bryde et vindue i varevognens førerhus for at hælde benzin i og brænde mandskabet ud. Gardaí, der ikke havde meldt sig ind i den blå influenza, lå og ventede, og da de flyttede ind, forsøgte medlemmerne at kapre forbipasserende biler og flygte.

En af dem, Ronan McLoughlin (28), fra Ballymun, Dublin, blev skudt ihjel af gardaí, da han forsøgte at flygte i en bil, han kaprede med gevær fra et skrækslagen ældre par.

Carney, der var bevæbnet med pumpe-haglgeværet, blev fængslet i otte år i december 1998.

Han blev prøvet ved den særlige straffedomstol, som er forbeholdt terrorister, for både det væbnede røveri og for hans rolle i angrebet, der førte til Josie Dwyers død.


Militær

Ægte IRA Virkelig irsk republikansk hær Ny irsk republikansk hær (NIRA) 32 Amtssuverænitetsudvalg 32 Amtssuverænitetsbevægelse Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association Ægte Oglaigh Na Heireann Laglaigh na h ireann (Frivillige i Irland)

Beskrivelse

Den nye irske republikanske hær (NIRA), også kendt som Real IRA, er en radikal terrorgruppe, der splittede sig fra den foreløbige IRA. Det er en af ​​to tilbageværende grupper, der sværger at fortsætte volden mod briterne i Nordirland. Sinn fein's politik under ledelse Gerry Adams fra 1994 til 1998 førte til en splittelse i den foreløbige irske republikanske hær i efteråret 1997, hvor en fraktion accepterede den nye langfredagsaftale, og den nye eller rigtige IRA fortsatte væbnet modstand mod Britisk partition. Denne bevægelse dedikeret til at fjerne britiske styrker fra Nordirland og forene Irland er organiseret i små, tæt sammenbundne celler. Efter splittelsen fra Provos er den begyndt at arbejde med Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) og Irish National Liberation Army (INLA).

Ligesom Continuity IRA deltog Real IRA (RIRA) ikke i september 2005 i forbindelse med nedlukning af våben. RIRA blev dannet i 1997 som den hemmelige væbnede fløj i 32 County Sovereignty Movement, en "politisk pressegruppe" dedikeret til at fjerne britiske styrker fra Nordirland og forene Irland. RIRA søger også at forstyrre fredsprocessen i Nordirland. Den 32 amts suverænitetsbevægelse modsatte sig Sinn Feins september 1997-vedtagelse af Mitchell-principperne om demokrati og ikke-vold, og den modsatte sig også ændringen i december 1999 af artikel 2 og 3 i den irske forfatning, der gjorde krav på Nordirland. På trods af interne splittelser og opfordringer fra nogle fængslede medlemmer, herunder gruppens grundlægger Michael "Mickey" McKevitt, om våbenhvile og opløsning, lovede RIRA yderligere vold og fortsatte med at udføre angreb.

Aktiviteter

Bombardementer, attentater, kidnapninger, afpresning og røverier. Før dens våbenhvile i 1994 omfattede mål højtstående britiske regeringsembedsmænd, britisk militær og politi i Nordirland og nordirske loyalistiske paramilitære grupper. Siden bruddet på våbenhvilen i februar 1996 har IRA's operationer omfattet bombekampagner mod tog- og undergrundsstationer og shoppingsområder på fastlandet Storbritannien, britisk militær og Royal Ulster Constabulary-mål i Nordirland og et britisk militæranlæg på det europæiske kontinent.

Mange RIRA-medlemmer er tidligere foreløbige irske republikanske hærmedlemmer, der forlod organisationen, efter at den fornyede sin våbenhvile i 1997. Disse medlemmer bragte et væld af erfaringer med terrortaktik og bombefremstilling til RIRA. Målene har omfattet civile (mest notorisk i Omagh -bombningen i august 1998), britiske sikkerhedsstyrker, politi i Nordirland og lokale protestantiske samfund. RIRAs seneste dødelige angreb var i august 2002 på en Londons hærbase og dræbte en bygningsarbejder. Organisationen søger at forbedre sin intelligensindsamlingsevne, ingeniørkapacitet og adgang til våben, den træner også medlemmer i brug af våben og sprængstoffer. RIRA tiltrækker fortsat nye medlemmer, og dets ledende medlemmer er forpligtet til at iværksætte angreb på sikkerhedsstyrker.

Den enkelt værste terrorhændelse i Nordirlands historie blev gennemført i august 1998 i Omagh, hvor en bilbombe dræbte 29 og sårede 220. RIRA eller CIRA var i fællesskab ansvarlige for Omagh -bombningen, og overvandt aldrig nogensinde den offentlige afsky, som dette medførte . Efter denne bombning kaldte Real IRA en våbenhvile.

Siden oktober 1999 har RIRA udført mere end 80 terrorangreb. RIRAs seneste dødelige angreb var i august 2002 på en Londonderry Army Base, der dræbte en bygningsarbejder. I juni 2003 razziaer forbød irsk nationalpoliti to storstilet bilfødte improviserede eksplosive anordninger, der hver vejede mere end 1.000 pund. Fem RIRA -medlemmer blev anholdt under razziaerne.

I august 2003 blev Michael McKevitt, leder af Real IRA, idømt 20 års fængsel. Dommen var blevet annonceret i Dublins specielle straffedomstol uden jury, hvor tidligere generationer af irske nationalister var blevet dømt af briterne.

I 2004 gennemførte RIRA flere postbombeangreb og fremsatte trusler mod fængselsbetjente, personer involveret i de nye politiarrangementer og ledende politikere. RIRA plantede også brændbare apparater i Belfast shoppingområder og gennemførte et alvorligt skydeangreb mod en polititjeneste i Nordirlands station i september.

Fra 2006 til november 2007 faldt terroraktiviteten i form af vellykkede og forsøg på angreb fra RIRA let. Især mellem august og november 2006, i hele Nordirland, målrettede RIRA B&Q hjemmeforsyningsbutikker og andre detailvirksomheder i succesfulde og forsøgte brandbomber, selvom en håndfuld af disse angreb også blev hævdet af Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA). I november 2007 hævdede RIRA to væbnede angreb, der sårede to polititjenester i Nordirlands (PSNI) betjente.

Lørdag den 7. marts 2009 blev to britiske soldater skudt og dræbt ved portene til Massereene Army base i County Antrim. Timer senere påtog den republikanske splintergruppe "The Real IRA" sig ansvaret. Det er det dødeligste angreb i Nordirland i et årti. Politikere fra alle striber er blevet samlet i deres fordømmelse af drabene. Sinn Fein -præsident Gerry Adams kaldte det et angreb på fredsprocessen. Han tilføjede, at det var forkert og kontraproduktivt, og de ansvarlige har ingen støtte fra samfundet.

Styrke

Flere hundrede plus flere tusinde sympatisører.

Placering/driftsområde

Nordirland, Irsk Republik, Storbritannien og Europa.

Ekstern bistand

Har modtaget bistand fra en række grupper og lande og betydelig uddannelse og våben fra Libyen og på én gang PLO. Også mistænkt for at have modtaget midler og våben fra sympatisører i USA. Ligheder i operationer tyder på links til ETA.

RIRA samler meget af deres penge ved at smugle diesel og cigaretter over grænsen. Tre formodede RIRA-medlemmer, der beskæftiger sig med cigaretsmugling, blev anholdt i Spanien i 2006. Modsætning til den foreløbige IRA's officielle anti-narkotikaposition, individuelle medlemmer af den foreløbige IRA, Continuity IRA og Real IRA er kendt for at deltage i narkotikasmugling/ handler aktiviteter.


Den virkelige IRA

31. oktober 2002

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Dette er den bedste bog nogensinde skrevet om den provisoriske irske republikanske hær. Det sporer fremkomsten af ​​Provoserne fra den vrede aske i katolske arbejdergader, der blev forbrændt af mobiler af loyalister og betjente i august 1969 til indeslutningen af ​​bevægelsens ledelse inden for konventionel borgerlig politik gennem langfredagsaftalen fra 1998. Det forklarer hvorfor den nuværende pause i fredsprocessen før eller siden, sandsynligvis før, vil blive helbredt, af samme årsag som muliggjorde enighed i første omgang: Der er ingen grundlæggende modsætning mellem politikken i Provo -ledelsen og den britiske dom. klasse.

Dette er en af ​​nøglesandhederne i Nordirlandskonflikten, tilsløret af de sidste tre årtiers røg og svovl, men nu skimrer i fokus igen, efterhånden som krigens tåge svinder. Det er en sandhed, som Provos helst ikke vil se i øjnene. Eller i hvert fald ikke endnu. I øjeblikket foretrækker de at præsentere den seneste periode som den næstsidste episode af Irlands gamle kamp for frihed, hvor IRA mod alle odds og på ærefuld vis kæmpede det britiske imperiums magt til et dødvande. Nu stræber deres politiske fløj, Sinn Fein, personificeret og ledet af den karismatiske Gerry Adams, mod britisk uforsonlighed og fagforeningsnovhed for at bevare aftalens integritet og derved holde en fredelig vej klar mod republikkens endelige mål.

Moloney kaster et koldere øje. En tidligere irsk journalist af året, successivt nordlig redaktør af Irish Times og Søndag Tribune, har han rapporteret om Provoserne i mere end tyve år. Det er et mål for soliditeten af ​​hans ry, at Sinn Fein -tilhængere begyndte at gnubbe hans bog måneder før han leverede det endelige udkast. Ifølge Irsk ekko, Erklærede Sinn Fein ’s amerikanske repræsentant, Rita O ’Hare, at Moloney muligvis ikke kunne have noget interessant at sige, da ingen i IRA har talt med ham i årevis. ” Faktisk er det ’s fremgår af teksten, at han har modtaget et hidtil uset samarbejde fra medlemmer og tidligere medlemmer af IRA. Dette er et nærbillede af en af ​​de mest hemmelige organisationer på jorden i løbet af måske den sidste fase af dens omtumlede eksistens.

Skyggen af ​​Gerry Adams falder på næsten hver side. Moloney fortæller om sin IRA-karriere: sluttede sig som 18-årig frivillig i D Company on the Falls Road i 1966 og gik med Provisionals i 1970, da bevægelsen splittede under påvirkningen af ​​angrebet på Belfast ’s katolikkernes kommandant i West Belfast boligområde Ballymurphy i 1971 og derefter medlem af Belfast Brigade -staben næstkommanderende og derefter Belfast -kommandør i 1972 interneret i 1973 frigivet i 1977 og sluttede sig til det herskende hærråd kort stabschef i 1977 Nordkommandant i 1979 og så videre og videre . Adams er i dag medlem af hærrådet.

Loyale Sinn Feiners fordømmer alt dette som ligefrem løgne. Adams insisterer på, at han aldrig var i IRA, at hans tid i republikanisme udelukkende har været brugt i Sinn Fein. I sin selvbiografi fra 1996, Før daggry, han giver en til tider lyrisk redegørelse for hans daglige politiske engagement fra 1960'erne til 󈨞'erne uden at nævne, at han engang har forviklet sig i paramilitær handling. Han er ikke betaget af, at han blev fløjet til London af Royal Air Force i 1972 som en del af en IRA -delegation, der mødte britiske embedsmænd til våbenhvile. Det er irrelevant, han insisterer. Han ved ikke, hvorfor både briterne og IRAs stabschef på det tidspunkt, Sean MacStiofain, havde det i tankerne, at han var en IRA -delegeret.

Han lyver ikke ligefrem. En løgn har til formål at bedrage. Adams ved, at alle ved, at han var og er en IRA -mand. Både ærbødigheden, han modtager fra den republikanske rang og fil, og fjendtligheden rettet mod ham fra alle fagforeningslige retninger stammer fra hans lange IRA -tjeneste. Men det er umuligt at have en offentlig samtale med ham andet end i stiltiende aftale at foregive, at det ikke er sådan.

Dels er det naturligvis bare det, at Adams, ligesom mange andre, der har været igennem en guerillafase på vej mod politisk respektabilitet, ikke ønsker, at de grusomme detaljer om de operationer, han deltog i, blev trukket ud til offentlig inspektion. Den del af bogen, der udløste det mest intense republikanske raseri, da den blev udgivet i Irland, vedrørte Adams ’s -engagement i affæren om de ukendte og forsvundne i begyndelsen af ​​1970'erne. Ifølge Moloney etablerede Adams, som Belfast Brigade-kommandør, en række selvbærende hemmelige celler, de ukendte, der rapporterede direkte til sig selv, for at håndtere problemet med informanter, hvis straf kan gøre bevægelsen til flov og#8211frivillige fra engagerede republikanske familier eller lignende af Jean McConville. De ukendte ville dræbe de kriminelle og bortskaffe ligene i hemmelighed.

Jean McConville var en 37-årig protestant, der havde giftet sig med en katolik, holdt sig til katolicisme og flyttede ind på Falls Road. I 1972 levede hun i dyb fattigdom i Divis Flats med otte af sine ti børn. Hendes mand var død året før. I december forsvandt hun. Der er aldrig fundet spor. Moloney siger, at hun havde været spion på lavt niveau for britisk militær efterretning og holdt øje med de republikanske nabos bevægelser. Hendes familie fastholder, at hendes lovovertrædelse blot var for at trøste en britisk soldat, der blev såret af en snigskytte uden for døren til hendes lejlighed. Uanset hvad. Belfast Brigade beordrede hendes død, men besluttede ikke at dumpe hendes lig på gaden. Offentlighed om drab på en enke mor til ti kan have mere end opvejet værdien af ​​afskrækkelse. McConville blev kidnappet med gevær fra hendes hjem, hendes børn forlod rædselsslagne, forvirrede og alene og ført til en strand nær County Louth -grænsen, skudt i hovedet og begravet dybt i sandet. Hun var forsvundet.

I midten af ​​1990'erne, da fredsprocessen tog fart, lancerede McConville ’s børn en kampagne for at genoprette hendes krop. Bill Clinton gav dem offentlig støtte. IRA erkendte for første gang, at de dræbte hende og lovede at hjælpe med at lokalisere hendes rester. En enormt publiceret søgning i løbet af et antal uger skabte en dyster løbende historie i de irske medier, men gav i sidste ende intet - bortset fra at det havde katapulteret spørgsmålet om de forsvundne tilbage til offentlig bevidsthed lige i det øjeblik, hvor republikanske ledere forsøgte at slæbe terrorisme og projektere sig selv som uberørte fredsskabere. Derfor overfølsomheden nu, et par år og yderligere skridt i retning af republikansk fusion i mainstream, til Moloney ’s hævder, at Adams, selvom han ikke gav den direkte ordre om at forsvinde McConville, “must have vidst alt om omstændighederne kl. tiden. ” Derfor mere generelt vreden over, at han har belyst så stærkt områder af republikansk aktivitet, som der hidtil ikke er faldet meget lys over. Moloney giver os et portræt, der er fyldt med levende detaljer, hvor vi tidligere havde en grov skitse, der var dæmpet i mørket.

Detaljerne er nogle gange skræmmende. Ligesom enhver hemmelig bevæbnet organisation, der er inddæmmet af højteknologisk overvågning og omgivet af psy-ops, har IRA arbejdet i en verden af ​​subterfuge, dobbeltbluff og nødvendig paranoia. I en række omhyggeligt rekonstruerede regnskaber foreslår Moloney, at stort set alle større operationelle katastrofer - franske toldembedsmænd i damperen Eksund fra 1987, der bragte 150 tons våben fra Libyen til at indespærre og slagte Tyrone -enheder i frontlinjen i 1980'erne ved en kombination af den britiske Special Air Service og den loyalistiske Royal Ulster Constabulary kan den til tider dødelige upålidelighed af våben sættes på svig på et højt niveau. Hver hændelse, antyder han, øgede Adams og hans nære medarbejderes hemmelige strategi. Måske.

Moloney's fortælling giver ikke plads til romantik. Der er ingen mening her, at at dø af skud kan være det fineste spil under solen. Ingen bliver præsenteret lystigt med sit kors til Irland. Den dominerende tone er vrede og medlidenhed med grusomhed og tab. Det foruroligende spørgsmål, portrættet stiller for republikanerne, er, om langfredagsaftalen - som uanset hvad den kan forekomme i den uforudsigelige fremtid, efterlader Nordirland forfatningsmæssigt inden for Det Forenede Kongerige - repræsenterer et tilstrækkeligt afkast af IRA ’s investering af smerter, påført og udholdt. I et interview med Boston -reporteren Jim Dee for nogle år siden anså John Hume, leder af det moderate nationalistiske socialdemokratiske og Labour Party (SDLP), at knuset for republikanerne ville komme, når der blev lagt en aftale for dem “og nogen står op bagerst og spørger: 'Hvad døde Jimmy for, da?' ”Sultangriber Bobby Sands søster, Bernadette, siger:” Min bror døde ikke for grænseoverskridende lig.

Det, IRA har dræbt og døde for, er republikken. For de fleste udenforstående, herunder udenforstående i Irland, synes langfredagsaftalen at være et stort skridt i retning af dette mål-en garanteret magtandel i den regionale regering plus organer i hele Irland med muligvis potentiale til at udvikle sig til institutioner, der har udøvende myndighed på tværs af øen . Dette er i det væsentlige Adams -analysen af, hvad der var opnåeligt, som Moloney antyder, at han var nået frem til og besluttede at nøjes med meget tidligere, end nogen, inklusive hans andre republikanske ledere, indså.

Aftalen repræsenterer altså ikke frihed, men frihed til at opnå frihed. Ikke det forjættede land, men en springbræt mod det. Problemet er, at IRA har adskilt sig fra bevægelser, som republikanerne undertiden, afhængigt af hvem der er inden for rækkevidde, har været tilfredse med at sammenligne sig med - den baskiske ETA, den afrikanske nationale kongres, den palæstinensiske frigørelsesorganisation - ved at den har set republikken ikke som en ambition, men som en faktisk eksisterende enhed. Det ideologiske grundlag herfor har at gøre med proklamationen af ​​republikken på generalpostkontorets trin i Dublin i påsken 1916 og dens godkendelse ved folketingsvalget i 1918-den sidste meningsmåling i Irland før partition. De sytti-tre Sinn Fein-parlamentsmedlemmer, der blev valgt dengang, ud af 105 irske sæder, udgjorde det første og eneste legitime parlament-The First Dail-i Irland. Uafhængighedskrigen 1919-21 blev udkæmpet til forsvar for republikken og for at hævde legitimiteten af ​​denne Dail. Da successive lederskaber - Michael Collins, Eamon De Valera osv. - opgav den stenede vej i væbnet kamp om kompromispolitikens primrosebane og landets opdeling, blev IRA Army Council depotet for traditionen fra 1916 og derved den eneste legitime politisk myndighed i landet. I dette perspektiv kan enhver aftale, der mangler Republikken, ikke være et skridt fremad, men må ses som en opgivelse af position, et skammeligt tilbagetog. Den mest hellige figur i det republikanske pantheon, Patrick Pearse, lederen af ​​'16 Rising ', afgjorde, at en mand, der accepterer "noget mindre end en jota end adskillelse fra England, er skyldig i så enorm utroskab, så enorm forbrydelse mod Irsk nation ... at det ville være bedre for den mand (som det bestemt var bedre for hans land), at han ikke var blevet født. ”

Denne idé om IRA -ledelsen som den eneste kilde til politisk legitimitet kan virke fantasifuld, mystisk, latterlig. Men det har været denne opfattelse af dens rolle og historiske betydning, der har opretholdt IRA gennem magre år, da den kunne finde lidt næring i den daglige verden omkring den. Lige så vigtigt er det dette syn på republikken, der har givet moralsk sanktion for væbnet kamp. At afslutte den væbnede kamp nu endegyldigt og overveje at opløse IRA, da Tony Blair, den særlige amerikanske udsending Richard Haass og irske Taoiseach Bertie Ahern i øjeblikket opfordrer Adams, ville med tilbagevirkende kraft trække sanktionen tilbage fra dem, der til tider fortsatte kampen af hård fordømmelse fra alle undtagen dem selv alene. Kun Republikkens skinnende virkelighed kan reflektere lys over den væbnede kamp på en sådan måde, at den investeres med behørig storhed og gør selv drabet på Jean McConville acceptabelt, retfærdigt.

Hvis kampen udelukkende har været for magtdeling og grænseoverskridende organer, betingelser, der var tilbudt i hvert fald siden 1973-da SDLP, Ulster Unionister og de britiske og irske regeringer forhandlede Sunningdale-aftalen, baseret på magtdeling og et grænseoverskridende råd i Irland-så har den blodgivende og ondskabsfulde intriger beskrevet af Moloney været meningsløs, grim og ikke understøttet. Sådan ser de små bands af republikanske uforenelige i Real IRA og Continuity IRA tingene. Hvorfor, så-og her kommer vi til sagens kerne-har Adams nøjes med netop en sådan aftale, og alligevel bevaret enorm popularitet blandt den republikanske rang og fil, især i cockpittet (arbejderkatolske) samfund i Belfast?

Moloney identificerer med rette Adams ’s valget i 1983 til Westminster fra West Belfast som et af de mest betydningsfulde plotpunkter i hans fortælling. Han kunne med fordel direkte have citeret den nye parlaments jublende første ord til jublende skarer på Falls Road: "Selv De Valera kunne ikke vinde vandfaldene." De Valera var blevet hamret i West Belfast ved seminalvalget i 1918. Det var en af ​​kun to sæder i hele Irland, hvor forfatningsmæssig nationalisme besejrede Sinn Fein. Denne kendsgerning, som Adams tydeligvis var klar over, kunne med fordel huskes på af kommentatorer, der dovent identificerer vandfaldene eller Bogside i Derry som "traditionelle republikanske" områder. De er ikke. Det, der gav Adams valg sin skarpe betydning, var, at han var den første republikaner nogensinde valgt i området. Hvad han mente var, selv De Valera kunne ikke vinde vandfaldene for den republikanske bevægelse.

Den katolske arbejderklassiske vrede, der gav anledning til fremkomsten af ​​Provoserne som en stor spiller i begyndelsen af ​​1970'erne, repræsenterede ikke en ny blomstring af republikanske ideer, en gammel, autentisk, længe undertrykt tradition, der pludselig sprang frem igen gennem de revner, der blev forårsaget af den seismiske virkning af 1960'ernes borgerrettighedsbevægelse. Det er sandere at sige, som Moloney gør, at datidens bittesmå republikanske bevægelse, der er inkarneret i Belfast i få familier, som Adamses, Hannaways, Priser og MacAirts, gav en organisatorisk ramme, en kanal for udtryk og en kampvillighed, der matchede de katolske massers pludselige stemning og tilbød en færdiglavet ideologi til at give deres kamp tilsyneladende resonans på et tidspunkt, hvor deres lokalsamfund var under belejring af protestantiske loyalistiske mobber, Royal Ulster Constabulary og den britiske hær.

En af de mest ærede landdistriktsledere i IRA i 1980'erne observerede for et par år siden, at "disse stipendiater fra Belfast aldrig rigtig var republikanere. De kæmpede kun for deres gader. ” At kæmpe for din gade er naturligvis ikke nødvendigvis en uartig ting at gøre. Under visse omstændigheder - Belfast 1969 - kan det ikke være mere end naboplikt. Men impulsen til at forsvare sin lokalitet hærder ikke automatisk til et klart sæt ideer. Det, der havde sat hele katolske arbejderklassesamfund uden for den forfatningsmæssige arena, var ikke masseomdannelse til en -isme eller en særlig opfattelse af historien, men umiddelbare, materielle overvejelser. De fleste, der sluttede sig til eller kom for at støtte IRA, gjorde det ikke af en hellig pligt til at "befri Irland" eller i forfølgelsen af ​​en historisk mission for at retfærdiggøre republikken, men fordi de ville have bigoterne til at starte deres nakke og den britiske hær af deres ryg. Hvis disse klager kunne afhjælpes uden for republikkens opnåelse, var der grundlaget for et forlig inden for eksisterende forfatningsmæssige strukturer.

Moloney ’s centrale tese er, at Adams og en lille gruppe omkring ham var hurtigere til dette end nogen tidligere har foreslået og længe har arbejdet på en ikke -republikansk dagsorden. Hans mest kontroversielle påstand er, at Adams, bag ryggen på hærrådet og med IRAs frivillige holdt i mørket, åbnede kommunikationslinjer med briterne allerede i 1986 med henblik på eventuel forhandling om et "internt" forlig. Det er helt sikkert rigtigt, at Adams og hans nære fortrolige gik i gang med et projekt for at udhule den ideologi, som den bevægelse, de arvede, var bygget op omkring. Det var ikke længere at være republikansk i sin kerne på nogen måde, hvor Pearse ville have forstået ordet. I stedet skulle den blive, eller acceptere, at den allerede var, en militant nationalistisk massebevægelse, der ikke afspejler, hvad nogle måske har troet, at Belfast -katolikker burde tænke, men hvad de egentlig "naturligt" tænkte. Moloney identificerer nøjagtigt forskellen som den mellem de forenede irere i 1790'erne, inspireret af de amerikanske og franske revolutioner og for at vælte den eksisterende orden, og forsvarerne, en bondemilits oprettet for at beskytte katolske jordrettigheder.

Put more positively, it might be said that Adams, contrary to the conventional account of him leading a people half addicted to violence toward peace, has merely contrived a realignment of republican ideology so as to bring it more closely into kilter with the people in whose name it was purporting to act, offering no challenge to their consciousness. The reason the Adams leadership has been able to retain the support of the republican base while ditching core republican ideas is, on this analysis, that the base was never republican in the first place, that they were only fighting for their streets. This is an unwelcome conclusion to those who have held hard to the legacy of Pearse, and who rage against Adams as the latest in a litany of shame stretching back to Michael Collins and partition. But it’s the obvious conclusion to emerge from Moloney’s magisterial work, though he doesn’t himself draw it out as explicitly as this.

The unsentimental pragmatism underlying Adams’s approach is to be seen, too, in the fact that when he veered off the path of armed struggle he veered to the right and not to the left. Having ditched the ideas that underpinned armed struggle, discarding any notion of wanting to turn the world, or even the constitutional status quo, upside down, Adams and the group around him set out to recruit the most powerful allies potentially available—the Catholic hierarchy, the Dublin government, corporate Irish-America, the White House. This has meant resiling from positions that might alienate persuadable interests. Thus, although still generally presenting itself as an anti-imperialist party, Sinn Fein has been careful in recent times not to mobilize against the planned oil war on Iraq. The party’s campaign for the release of three men recently arrested leaving FARC-held territory in Colombia has been built on a soft-liberal basis, concentrating on the unlikelihood of the three receiving a fair trial, eschewing any defense of association with the left-wing guerrilla organization.

Most telling of all, the interparty fractiousness that led to the collapse in early October of the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement concealed a remarkable convergence around center-right economics. In their time in office, all the executive parties—Sinn Fein, the SDLP, Ian Paisley’s Democratic Unionists and David Trimble’s Ulster Unionists—committed themselves to maintaining, if not increasing, direct grants to multinationals and to a reduction in corporate and other taxes on business so as to make Northern Ireland more alluring to outside investment. All advocate fiscal rectitude. All have enthusiastically pursued policies of privatization, flogging off public services to fat-cat entrepreneurs. The general aim has been to refashion still-partitioned Northern Ireland as a viable fragment of the global market by insuring that it is competitively attractive in capitalist terms. It hardly justifies 3,500 dead. It’s hardly worth Jean McConville.

Small wonder that Bush’s point man, Richard Haass, has no ideological complaint against Sinn Fein. He just wishes it would move more speedily toward completion of what he calls its “necessary transition.” As a matter of fact, it’s almost there. Ed Moloney’s book is the best and necessary account of the long trek across dangerous terrain that brought Sinn Fein to this point, and of the role of Gerry Adams, the political genius who, with guile and daring, has led the way.

Eamonn McCann Eamonn McCann, the author of War and an Irish Town (Pluto), was a leader of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland in the 1960s. Now a commentator and political activist, he is working on a book about the massacre in Derry of civil rights marchers by British paratroopers on Bloody Sunday in January 1972. He is vice chairman of the Derry Trades Union Council.


Real IRA 'is ninth richest terror group in the world'

According to a report from Forbes Israel, the dissident group, which now calls itself the IRA, has an income of around £32m, largely generated from smuggling and organised crime.

By Amanda Ferguson

The Real IRA is the world's ninth richest terror organisation, it has been claimed.

A ccording to a report from Forbes Israel, the dissident group, which now calls itself the IRA, has an income of around £32m, largely generated from smuggling and organised crime.

This conclusion was reached by the magazine after analysing data and other information provided by the US State Department and academics.

Last night, a PSNI spokesman declined to comment on the alleged sources of the group's income but Richie Culhane, a former Special Branch garda in Co Louth, told Sunday Times a huge amount of the Real IRA's money comes from illegal fuel operations.

"Laundering marked or agricultural diesel and selling is as road fuel is a major source of funding," he said.

A diesel plant said to be capable of producing 20 million litres of illicit fuel was uncovered in the Forkhill area of Co Armagh earlier this month.

Trafficking alcohol over the border and smuggling cigarettes from China and eastern Europe are also said to be a sources of income.

Funding for the organisation, the only European-based group on the Forbes list, is still a considerable way behind Islamic State (Isis), which emerged as the world's richest terror group in history, with an income of £1.3bn.

The Real IRA carried out the 1998 Omagh bomb, which claimed the lives of 29 people and unborn twins.

It was also claimed responsibility for the deaths of two British soldiers in 2009 outside the Massereene Barracks in Antrim and has been linked to other gun attacks, bombings and other criminality across the UK and Ireland.

Other dissident republican groups, like the Continuity IRA, or loyalist terror groups fail to make the Forbes list.

Following Isis on the Forbes top 10 list is Hamas with an income of £638m amd Colombia's Farc - which had links to the Provisional IRA - is ranked third with £383m.

Hezbollah was fourth with £319m, the Taliban was fifth with £255m, followed by Al-Qaida and its affiliates with £96m Pakistani-based Lashkar e-Taiba with £64m Somalia's Al-Shabaab with £45m Real IRA with £32m and, closing the top 10 list is Boko Haram, with £16m.

Yesterday, former Home Secretary David Blunkett said countries including Qatar, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia were protecting funders of IS fighters and called for Gulf States to take action against citizens who are funding terror.

Forbes Israel top 10 of terror:

3 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) £383m

6 Al-Qaeda and affiliates £96m

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MMP: Real Irish Republican Army

Disbanded: 2012. The Real IRA announced a merger with three other dissident republican groups in 2012. The four groups merged to form the New IRA, which is still active as of 2019. On July 26, 2012, the Real IRA announced that its organization ceased to exist. [1]

First Attack: May 9, 1998: A dissident republican group carried out a bombing on the Royal Ulster Constabulary station in County Fermanagh, Northern Ireland. The militants were suspected members of the newly formed Real IRA. The blast resulted in no injuries (0 killed, 0 wounded).[2]

Last Attack: August 3, 2010: Real IRA militants forced a taxi driver to drive a 200-pound bomb to a police station in Derry, Northern Ireland. The bomb exploded, causing significant damage to the building and resulted in no casualties (0 killed, unknown wounded).[3]

Oversigt

The Real Irish Republican Army (Real IRA, or rIRA) was a republican militant group that operated during and after the Troubles in Northern Ireland. It was formed in 1997 after militants opposing peace negotiations split from the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA).[1]The rIRA followed an extremist republican ideology the group justified its use of violence with the 1919 Irish Declaration of Independence, which claimed the island of Ireland was an independent, sovereign nation[2]The group had cells throughout Ireland and Northern Ireland, and it carried out attacks in Ireland, Northern Ireland, and England. The rIRA’s ultimate goals were to disrupt peace negotiations in Northern Ireland, secure a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland, and reunite Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland.[3]The Real IRA mounted its largest attack in 1998, and it engaged in hundreds of smaller attacks in the years after, including bombings, shootings, and kidnappings. In 2012, the Real IRA merged with three other dissident republican groups to form the New IRA.[4]

Group Narrative

The Real Irish Republican Army (Real IRA, or rIRA) was formed in 1997 as a splinter group of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA).[1]The Provisional IRA was one of the most active republican militant groups during the Troubles, an ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland during the late 20th century. During this period, republican Catholic militants fought with unionist Protestant militants over the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Republican dissidents believed Northern Ireland should be united with the Republic of Ireland and considered the British government to be an illegal occupying force. In contrast, unionists sought for Northern Ireland to remain in the United Kingdom. The conflict left approximately 3,600 people dead over several decades. [2]

After decades of waging terrorist campaigns against unionist targets, PIRA sued for peace in the late 1990s. PIRA leadership officially announced a ceasefire and began negotiating with the British government in July 1997.[3]Following the ceasefire, PIRA held a conference in County Donegal to discuss the direction of the organization. At the conference, PIRA Quartermaster General Michael McKevitt denounced the group’s leadership and their decision to sue for peace. McKevitt resigned from his PIRA leadership role following the conference in October 1997.[4]In November, McKevitt, his wife, and dozens of ex-PIRA members who wished to continue fighting formed a new organization called Óglaigh na hÉireann, later nicknamed by the media the ‘Real IRA’ (rIRA).

As the rIRA began recruiting members and acquiring weapons, the political group 32 County Sovereignty Movement (32CSM) emerged in December 1997.[5]The group shared similar goals and ideology as the rIRA, and it defined itself as a ‘political pressure group’ devoted to removing British forces from Northern Ireland. One of the senior figures in the group was Bernadette Sands McKevitt, wife of Real IRA founder Michael McKevitt and sister of IRA ‘martyr’ Bobby Sands, who died on a prison hunger strike in 1981.[6]Members of 32CSM claimed to have no association with the rIRA, though many media and government outlets designated the rIRA as the armed wing of the 32CSM.[7]The exact connection between the two groups remains unclear. However, given the group's similar leadership, goals, and history, it is likely they had a close relationship.

On April 10, 1998, the political parties of Northern Ireland and Britain signed the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), which most historians mark as the end of the Troubles. The agreement created the Northern Irish Assembly, a governing body meant to make decisions previously made by the British government in London. This new government would allow power to be shared between unionists and nationalists.[8]While Irish republican political party Sinn Fein and the PIRA acknowledged the agreement, rIRA members viewed the GFA as intolerable. In response, rIRA published a manifesto with its principles in May 1998.[9]The group first rejected the PIRA’s non-violent ceasefire agreement instituted 1997 and the GFA of 1998. Second, the rIRA objected to the partition of Ireland into Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Lastly, the group called for the removal of the British presence from Northern Ireland.

rIRA carried out several smaller bombings in the first half of 1998, none of which resulted in any casualties.[10]On August 15, 1998, the rIRA carried out the Omagh Bombing, which resulted in the greatest single loss of life in the Troubles. [11]rIRA militants set off a 500-pound car bomb in Omagh, Northern Ireland, killing 29 civilians. After taking ownership of the attack, the rIRA claimed that the civilian deaths were accidental and maintained that there was supposed to have been a warning sent to authorities to clear the streets.[12]

National backlash after the bombing was swift and immediate. Both Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA issued condemnations of the attack.[13]Public outrage was so strong that Real IRA leader Michael McKevitt and his wife Bernadette Sands McKevitt were forced to move from their home in Dundalk Bay.[14]Three days after the attack, the rIRA announced that it had suspended all military operations. The group stated that it believed the continuation of its campaign in the face of the Omagh bombing was ‘futile.’[15]

The rIRA’s ceasefire did not last long. Soon after the Omagh bombing, the group began recruiting members and setting up training camps. In October 1999, Garda – the police service of Ireland – raided a training camp in County Meath and arrested ten suspected rIRA members.[16]Following the Omagh bombing, the rIRA no longer targeted civilian centers in Northern Ireland. Instead, it began to target symbols of British military and political power.[17]In September 2000, the rIRA carried out a missile attack on the headquarters of British intelligence agency MI6 in London.[18]No casualties were reported, although the building suffered significant structural damage. In March 2001, rIRA militants bombed the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) headquarters in London, injuring one and inflicting damage on the buildings.[19]Following the BBC bombing, the rIRA released its first public statement in years to mark the 85th anniversary of the Easter Uprising in Dublin. The statement lamented, “Partition has failed and those who attempt to uphold it will fail. As for republicans, we will continue to attack the problem at its root and make no apology for undertaking this necessary task.”[20]A month after the released statement, the United States designated the Real IRA as a foreign terrorist organization.[21]

In August 2002, the rIRA killed its first victim since the Omagh bombing. A Protestant civilian worker died from an explosion targeting a British military base in Derry, Northern Ireland.[22]In the year following the attack, the rIRA experienced significant turmoil. In October 2002, dozens of rIRA militants in prison released a statement calling for the organization to disband. [23]In 2003, rIRA leader Michael McKevitt was tried and found guilty of ‘directing terrorism and membership in an illegal organization’. He was sentenced to twenty years in prison. [24]McKevitt’s arrest caused the organization to fall into disarray, as it lacked leadership and structure. Over the next several years, individual militants arranged several hoax bombings and killed a suspected ex-Sinn Fein informer, but did not engage in any major attacks.[25]

In September 2005, multiple republican militant groups (including PIRA) agreed to give up their weapons stockpiles and continue their non-violent approach towards peace in Northern Ireland. rIRA was one of only two republican groups that refused to take part in the disarmament, the other being the Continuity IRA.[26]

In November 2007, the rIRA announced it would start targeting the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). That month, it carried out two separate attacks against the PSNI, injuring several officers.[27]In 2008, rIRA leaders publicized that the group was about to launch a new campaign of attacks in Northern Ireland. Shortly after the announcement, the rIRA attacked and injured a PSNI officer in May 2008.[28] In 2009, rIRA gunmen attacked military barracks in County Antrim, killing two soldiers and wounding four others.[29]This was their largest attack since the Omagh Bombing in 1998.

In 2009, a splinter group called Oglaigh na hEireann (translated to “soldiers of Ireland”) broke off from the Real IRA. The splinter allegedly occurred after disagreements arose between rIRA leadership and former rIRA leader Michael McKevitt.[30]These disagreements arose because older rIRA leadership claimed newer rIRA members were “more interested in criminality as a opposed to fighting the crown forces”. After its formation, Oglaigh na hEireann pledged allegiance to McKevitt. It is uncertain what exact role McKevitt played in the organization. Although McKevitt was in imprisoned at the time of the split, his former trusted aide allegedly had control of the faction.[31]The split severely weakened the Real IRA.

From 2010 to 2012, the rIRA struggled to organize any major attacks. It carried out occasional punishment shootings, killing several ex-rIRA members and murdering prominent drug criminals that the rIRA claimed were endangering their communities. [32]Despite these attacks, the prominence of the organization diminished severely during this time. In 2011, the Independent Monitoring Commission (the international body established to monitor military activity in Northern Ireland) stated in its report that the rIRA had “gone out of business as a paramilitary group.”[33]While some individual members were still active, the rIRA lacked any real organizational structure and leadership.

In 2012, the rIRA announced its plan to merge with three other dissident republican groups to form the ‘New IRA.’ The other groups joining the merger were Republican Action Against Drugs (RAAD), an east Tyrone republican group, and a group of previously non-aligned republican dissidents from Belfast.[34]In a released statement, the group claimed that the Irish people had continually “been sold a phoney peace.” The group also called for the removal of British military and political interference from the country.[35]Government officials estimated that the New IRA had between 250-300 members at the time of its inception. On July 26, 2012, the Real IRA announced that the organization ceased to exist.[36]All former rIRA members had either joined the New IRA or resigned from the organization.


History of the Individual Retirement Arrangement (IRA history)

Note: it’s interesting to learn about IRA history in order to better understand why some provisions are the way they are. This IRA history is updated occasionally as new provisions are added.

In 1974, Congress passed the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA) that, among many other provisions, provided for the implementation of the Individual Retirement Arrangement. This original IRA was not deductible from income for tax purposes, and the annual contribution limit was the lesser of $1,500 or 15% of household income.

Two primary goals of the IRA were to provide a tax-advantaged retirement plan to employees of businesses that were unable to provide a pension plan in addition, to provide a vehicle for preserving tax-deferred status of qualified plan assets at employment termination (rollovers).

The IRA, originally offered strictly through banks, become instantly popular, garnering contributions of $1.4 billion in the first year (1975). Contributions continued to rise steadily, amounting to $4.8 billion by 1981.

1978’s Revenue Act implemented the Simplified Employee Pension IRA (SEP-IRA), which provided for a contributory retirement account, primarily for small businesses.

The Economic Recovery Tax Act (ERTA) of 1981 allowed for the IRA to become universally available as a savings incentive to all workers under age 70 1/2. At that time, the annual contribution limit was also increased to $2,000 or 100% of compensation.

With the passage of the Tax Reform Act of 1986, income restrictions were introduced, limiting the availability of deductible contributions to the TIRA for individuals with incomes below $35,000 (single) or $50,000 (MFJ) when covered by an employer plan. In addition, provision was made for the Spousal IRA, wherein the non-working spouse could make contributions to a TIRA from the working spouse’s income. Non-deductible contributions were also allowed, for those individuals above the income limits, providing tax-deferred growth within the account.

In 1992, provisions were made to the TIRA to allow for “special purpose” distributions (known as §72(t) distributions), not subject to the 10% early withdrawal penalty.

1996’s Small Business Job Protection Act saw the implementation of the Savings Incentive Match Plan for Employees (SIMPLE IRA), which provided for employer matching and contributions to the employee plans, a viable alternative in many cases to the 401(k), although with more restrictive contribution limits. This act also increased the amount for Spousal IRA contributions from $250 to the annual limit (at the time, $2,000).

With the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, the Roth IRA was introduced. In addition, phase-out limits were increased, plus the distinction was added for limits on deductible contributions if the taxpayer was covered by an employer-provided retirement plan. The Education IRA was also introduced, with features similar to the Roth IRA (non-deductible but tax-free upon qualified distribution). The distributions from the Education IRA are qualified only if used for education purposes. The Education IRA was later renamed the Coverdell Education Savings Account in 2002.

In 2001 came the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act (EGTRRA), which further increased contribution limits, added a “catch-up” provision for taxpayers age 50 and older, and provided for a nonrefundable credit for certain contributions to IRA and 401(k) plans.

An additional provision in the EGTRRA was the option, available beginning in 2010, for Traditional IRA owners to convert funds to a Roth IRA, regardless of income level. Normally anyone with an income above $100,000 was ineligible to convert funds from a TIRA to a RIRA. In addition to releasing the income cap, converting taxpayers were allowed to split taxation evenly on the funds converted between tax years 2010 and 2011.

The Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act of 2005 expanded protection for IRA accounts in times of bankruptcy. Traditional and Roth IRAs established via contributions from income are exempt from bankruptcy inclusion up to $1,000,000 balances without having to show necessity for retirement (required previously). Amounts rolled over from employer retirement plans are entirely exempt.

In 2006, the Pension Protection Act allowed for charitable giving (free of tax) from an IRA, known as a Qualified Charitable Distribution (QCD). This provision was originally made only for one tax year at a time and renewed annually as Congress sees fit. In addition, this legislation introduced the Saver’s Credit, an income tax credit for lower income individuals, designed to incent retirement saving habits. The Qualified Charitable Distribution (QCD) has been al-lowed to expire in the past and was extended, but as of the 2018 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act passage, has been permanently extended.

The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2016 finally made Qualified Charitable Distributions (QCDs) permanent. This feature applies to individuals age 70½ or older and subject to Required Minimum Distributions. These folks are allowed to make direct distributions to charitable entities from their IRAs without having to include the amount of the distribution in gross income for the tax year.

One additional change that came about with the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2018 was the elimination of recharacterization of Roth IRA conversions.

Most recently, the Setting Every Community Up for Retirement Enhancement (SECURE) Act, passed in late 2019, made sweeping changes to the IRA landscape. Specifically, Required Minimum Distributions are now required to begin in the year the IRA owner reaches age 72 (used to be 70½) IRA holders are now allowed to continue making contributions to their plan at any age as long as they have earned income (previously not allowed after age 70½) and most significantly, with some exceptions, the stretch IRA has been curtailed for most inherited IRAs. For most non-spouse beneficiaries, the inherited IRA must be distributed within 10 years, where previously an IRA beneficiary could stretch payments out over his or her lifetime.

As of the most recent reports from 2018, the Investment Company Institute indicates nearly one-third of all Ameri-can households own an IRA account (over 42 million households), and the accounts held just less than $9 trillion of retirement funds. Approximately 22.5 million house-holds have a Roth IRA, holding roughly $800 billion in assets, while traditional IRA are owned by 33.2 million households, holding $7.5 trillion.


Who is the New IRA?

The New Irish Republican Army is made up of disgruntled ex-Provisional IRA members combined with dissidents from other groups.

The Independent explains that while the group calls itself the "IRA", it's commonly titled the "New IRA" and is an "offshoot of the Provisional IRA active during The Troubles" that claimed more than 3,700 lives.

It's a small group of republicans who reject the 1998 Good Friday agreement.

The violent paramilitary group has been responsible for a number of attacks and murders over the past eight years.

In July last year, Northern Ireland’s police chief blamed the so-called “New IRA” as the primary dissident republican group orchestrating rioting and murder bids on his officers in Londonderry.

It's been heavily criticised as a "throwback to the past", at a time when the Northern Ireland city of Londonderry has been moving forward.

And it's hell-bent on becoming a major terror threat after a car bomb went off in Derry in January this year, while security forces have also seen an increase in punishment beatings.

Armed New IRA terrorists planted the explosives in a hijacked pizza delivery car, cops said at the time, in an attack described as a "very significant attempt to kill people in the community."

News agency the Press Association explains that the New IRA is the biggest of the dissident republican groups operating in Northern Ireland.

It has been linked to four murders including the shooting of journalist Lyra McKee, 29, in Londonderry on Thursday night.

The other murders include PC Ronan Kerr, who was killed by an under-car bomb in Omagh in 2011.

The group is also linked to the deaths of prison officers David Black, who was shot as he drove to work at Maghaberry Prison in 2012, and Adrian Ismay, who died in 2016 after a bomb exploded under his van outside his home in east Belfast.

The New IRA is believed to have been formed between 2011 and 2012 following the merger of a number of smaller groups, including the Real IRA - the group behind the 1998 Omagh bomb.

It is strongest in Derry, north and west Belfast, Strabane in Co Derry, Lurgan in Co Armagh, and pockets of Tyrone.

This year, the group was responsible for a car bomb outside the courthouse in Bishop Street, Derry.

The explosives-laden car was left on the city centre street on a Saturday night in January, and scores of people, including a group of teenagers, had walked past before it detonated.


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Groups and individuals included in TRAC's database range from actual perpetrators of social or political violence to more passive groups that support or condone (perhaps unwittingly) such violence. The spectrum of violence represented by these groups is vast, from Jihadists who bomb train stations to financial institutions that transfer funds. Some groups that originally engaged in violence but have since become legitimate political parties are included to provide historical perspective. TRAC is in no way attempting to determine whether groups or individuals are terrorists -- only to convey reported information about their activities and official State status. While TRAC attempts to ensure the accuracy of its TRAC database, the entries in the database are from numerous different sources . Hence, TRAC cannot and does not warrant the accuracy of the entries in its database. The editors of TRAC may modify these entries at any time and welcome comments and suggested corrections or additions . Please write [email protected] or hit the "SUBMIT ADDITIONS" button on the page of the group profile about which you wish to comment .


The Hidden History of Women and the IRA

Last summer, two women from Northern Ireland were arrested after a long spy operation. An undercover MI5 agent, posing as a sympathizer, had managed to infiltrate the inner circle of the new IRA. Audio and video recordings were taken of secret meetings that covered, among other things, cyber attacks and bombing Shannon airport. The two women arrested in August, alleged leaders of the new IRA, will stand trial later this year in one of the largest terrorism cases of the decade.

Women have been part of the IRA from the start, but their stories remain largely untold. Their roles—their radicalization, training, combat, and varying levels of conviction or remorse—form a hidden history. During the Troubles, dozens of women were imprisoned for IRA activity. Some who survived the conflict have renounced their former army others remain committed to the armed struggle into their seventies.

While researching my novel, Northern Spy, set in contemporary Belfast, I read some of the avalanche of nonfiction books written about the IRA, and noticed how their indexes list male name after male name. Slowly the hundreds of names grew familiar, reappearing in different books and documentaries, joining into a vast, complex web of combatants, leaders, politicians, informers. I saw the same archival photograph of Brendan Hughes, in a t-shirt and handlebar moustache, over and over again. Hughes was important, a commander in Belfast and a major strategist, who once escaped from prison in a rolled-up mattress. But Mair é ad Farrell was also significant—an IRA member, shot while unarmed on operation in Gibraltar—yet tends to be accorded far less space. Throughout my research, I often read about the momentous hunger strike in the H-Block prison wing, but not much about the one in Armagh, the women’s jail. And I understand why a stack of biographies has been written on alleged IRA chief Gerry Adams, I would like to read a book about Martina Anderson, who was convicted of explosives charges, spent thirteen years in prison, and after her release was elected to the European parliament.

Last fall, Anthony M. Amore published The Woman Who Stole Vermeer, on the astonishing, little-known life of Rose Dugdale, the British heiress turned IRA sympathizer. In 1974, Rose stole nineteen old masters from Russborough House in County Wicklow. She wanted to use the paintings, which included a Vermeer and a Vel ázquez , as a bargaining chip to advance the republican cause. Before masterminding the heist, Rose had hijacked a helicopter and dropped bombs in milk churns on a police station in Northern Ireland.

After Rose’s first, smaller robbery, the judge gave her a suspended sentence: “I think the risk that you will ever again commit burglary or any dishonesty is extremely remote.” Amore calls this “a legendary display of poor character evaluation.” Months later, Rose stole paintings worth £8 million.

Rose referred to her radicalization as “a calm political act,” but no one at the time seems to have heard her: the media of the 1970s painted her as the dupe of her socialist boyfriend, ignoring her Oxford degree and doctorate in economics, her political convictions.

“Women terrorists are more fanatical and have a greater capacity for suffering,” says theorist Walter Laqueur. “Their motivation is predominantly emotional and can not be shaken through intellectual argument.”

Our notion of women in terrorist groups tends to hew to a Pied Piper narrative, of a woman being drawn to her doom by a man promising purpose and adventure. But over and over again, I heard of women who joined the IRA not because a man lured them in, whispering promises in their ears, but because of political injustice, and a disillusionment that peaceful civil rights demonstrations would work. They were radicalized by state violence: by internment, or detention without trial by the abuse of prisoners by the police by the murder of thirteen civilians by British paratroopers on Bloody Sunday in 1972. They recall watching soldiers kick down family doors, and the disappearance of the men around them for questioning. What emerges is a sense of being under constant siege, by the police, soldiers, and loyalist paramilitants. These are women who actively set out to join the IRA: befriending sympathizers, searching for a way in to the organization, coming back after being turned down. One woman was told by the IRA that if she joined, her future was either prison or death. She was undeterred.

After enlisting, women worked in the ranks of the IRA as couriers, lookouts, and spies. They joined active service units that carried out bombings and assassinations. Women tended to attract less suspicion at security checkpoints, allowing them to move more freely. Mia Bloom, a professor of security studies, says that as IRA men were arrested or killed in the ’70s, women and girls filled in the ranks. A teenage girl was, apparently, one of Belfast’s most accurate snipers. Bloom describes teenagers hollowing out their platform heels and filling them with weaponry: “Each pair of platforms could carry half a pound of explosives.”

Perhaps we prefer to believe that the girls and women of the IRA and other radical groups were somehow tricked into joining, that they were naïve, that a man was somewhere in the background pulling the strings. We tend to assume that women are inherently peaceful, especially once they have children. But motherhood can actually be a spur to join a terror movement, not a deterrent. Some IRA women viewed their struggle as a way to provide a different sort of life for their children, a peaceful one.

By the numbers, women are far more likely to join a domestic terror group than a traditional army. This may be because terror groups promise to remake society, and women, already disadvantaged relative to men, have more to gain. Mair é ad Farrell, the IRA member, said, “I am oppressed as a woman, and I’m also oppressed as an Irish person. We can only end our oppression as women if we end the oppression of our nation as a whole.”

The central conflict of the Troubles hasn’t yet been resolved, and the new IRA remains active, mounting attacks on police officers in particular. After the sting operation last August, the police Assistant Chief Constable Barbara Gray said, “The new IRA does not care who it hurts or what it destroys. They care for no one.” Ignoring the women in its ranks would be a colossal mistake.

One of the women arrested last summer was described at her bail hearing as a grandmother with a clear record who “ should be given the benefit of the doubt.” The prosecutor disagreed, calling her not a grandmother but “a dedicated terrorist.” It’s our job now to try to understand how a woman might be both.


Se videoen: Jaká byla skutečná minulost? Všechno je jinak - Jiří Nitsche (August 2022).